NISMAT Athletic Trainer's Corner: Taping for Acute Achilles Tendonitis
by admin — last modified 2007-03-08 10:43
Scenario:
The fall is here again and athletes are beginning to increase their training for the marathon. Ben comes to the training room complaining of pain in the back of his leg towards his heel. After a brief interview Ben tells us the only training change he has made was to increase his mileage gradually. We ask him to see the team doctor. After seeing the team doctor, Ben comes back with a diagnosis of acute Achilles tendonitis. The doctor has said Ben may continue to train provided the condition does not get worse. The physician has also contacted the training room to inquire if there is a taping technique that may take up some of the stress seen by the Achilles tendon. What taping technique might you suggest?
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Apply first anchor strip inferior to the muscle belly of the gastroc. The second strip goes around the metatarsal heads.
With the foot in a position of slight plantar flexion, measure strips of tape from anchor to anchor.
On a table, cross strips to form an 'X,' using 6-8 strips.
Take the completed series of strips and place it from anchor to anchor.
Finally, re-fasten the anchors to keep the support in place.
Completed taping procedure.
This will help restrict dorsiflexion and absorb some of the stress seen by the Achilles tendon.
Thursday, March 6, 2008
Friday, February 15, 2008
Normanton get complete article
Running amok: the Normanton race riots of 1888 and the genesis of white Australia.
by Jacqui Donegan , Raymond Evans Journal of Australian Studies, No. 71, 2001
Journal Article Excerpt
Running amok: the Normanton race riots of 1888 and the genesis of white Australia.
by Jacqui Donegan , Raymond Evans
(A) quiet and peaceful community on the Gulf is just now convulsed with passion and shouting for 'Lynch law' because Queensland has given sanctuary too long to degraded off-puts of degraded races ... They have seen their civilisation polluted, their social life corrupted and their wages ground to a rice and chop-sticks point, and they have contented themselves--or tried to--with protesting as the law directs. But they have found that their protests are worth about as much as a Governor's speech, and so when a demon-possessed Malay 'runs amuck' among a white population, they naturally think the time has come for something more serious than a wind-baggy protest. (Boomerang, 23 June 1888).
In June 1888, the colonies of Australia were formally considering a unified, legislative response to what was then known as the 'Chinese question'. Delegates, including Queensland's outgoing premier, Sir Samuel Griffith, had gathered in Sydney for the anti-Chinese intercolonial conference, and high on the agenda was racial turmoil, in particular, anti-Chinese protests and riots that had flared throughout the colonies over the preceding months. In Queensland, up to eighty demonstrations alone had been organised by the mob orator, John Potts, who had embarked on a barnstorming tour of twenty-nine centres and agitated for the establishment of local anti-Chinese leagues. (1) Consequently, the anti-Chinese conference represented an Australia-wide effort to achieve one of the earliest examples of inter-colonial cooperation and consensus. This agreement, however, was not achieved without considerable dialogue and discord. South Australia, mindful of an Asian influx through its protectorate of the Northern Territory, had already imposed a polltax on Chinese immigrants, which it freely admitted was illegal, but was likely to be endorsed by parliament. Victoria and New South Wales had 'almost identical' views but the two encountered some resistance from Queensland. The only real obstacle to more restrictive, uniform legislation against Chinese people, however, appeared to be Tasmania, which advocated a moderate approach to save offending Downing Street. (2)
By 15 June, the conference had resolved to seek an international agreement excluding from Australia all Chinese people--British subjects included--unless they were officials, travellers, merchants or students. (3) Delegates had weighed up the political and commercial interests of the empire and the colonies, and concluded that China was of little value to them as an export destination. They believed that, while the treatment of China's peoples in Australia had been 'invariably humane and considerate ... in spite of the intensity of popular feeling', 'strong and decisive action' was required for the...
by Jacqui Donegan , Raymond Evans Journal of Australian Studies, No. 71, 2001
Journal Article Excerpt
Running amok: the Normanton race riots of 1888 and the genesis of white Australia.
by Jacqui Donegan , Raymond Evans
(A) quiet and peaceful community on the Gulf is just now convulsed with passion and shouting for 'Lynch law' because Queensland has given sanctuary too long to degraded off-puts of degraded races ... They have seen their civilisation polluted, their social life corrupted and their wages ground to a rice and chop-sticks point, and they have contented themselves--or tried to--with protesting as the law directs. But they have found that their protests are worth about as much as a Governor's speech, and so when a demon-possessed Malay 'runs amuck' among a white population, they naturally think the time has come for something more serious than a wind-baggy protest. (Boomerang, 23 June 1888).
In June 1888, the colonies of Australia were formally considering a unified, legislative response to what was then known as the 'Chinese question'. Delegates, including Queensland's outgoing premier, Sir Samuel Griffith, had gathered in Sydney for the anti-Chinese intercolonial conference, and high on the agenda was racial turmoil, in particular, anti-Chinese protests and riots that had flared throughout the colonies over the preceding months. In Queensland, up to eighty demonstrations alone had been organised by the mob orator, John Potts, who had embarked on a barnstorming tour of twenty-nine centres and agitated for the establishment of local anti-Chinese leagues. (1) Consequently, the anti-Chinese conference represented an Australia-wide effort to achieve one of the earliest examples of inter-colonial cooperation and consensus. This agreement, however, was not achieved without considerable dialogue and discord. South Australia, mindful of an Asian influx through its protectorate of the Northern Territory, had already imposed a polltax on Chinese immigrants, which it freely admitted was illegal, but was likely to be endorsed by parliament. Victoria and New South Wales had 'almost identical' views but the two encountered some resistance from Queensland. The only real obstacle to more restrictive, uniform legislation against Chinese people, however, appeared to be Tasmania, which advocated a moderate approach to save offending Downing Street. (2)
By 15 June, the conference had resolved to seek an international agreement excluding from Australia all Chinese people--British subjects included--unless they were officials, travellers, merchants or students. (3) Delegates had weighed up the political and commercial interests of the empire and the colonies, and concluded that China was of little value to them as an export destination. They believed that, while the treatment of China's peoples in Australia had been 'invariably humane and considerate ... in spite of the intensity of popular feeling', 'strong and decisive action' was required for the...
Thursday, February 14, 2008
Cihinese entry to The North
http://images.google.com/imgres?imgurl=http://www.ahc.gov.au/publications/chineseheritage/trackingthedragon/images/small/72_13.jpg&imgrefurl=http://www.ahc.gov.au/publications/chineseheritage/trackingthedragon/background.html&h=115&w=76&sz=3&hl=en&start=64&tbnid=JMrG0DXK5NsyCM:&tbnh=87&tbnw=57&prev=/images%3Fq%3Dchinese%2Bin%2Bnorth%2Bqueensland%26start%3D60%26imgc%3Dgray%26as_st%3Dy%26gbv%3D2%26ndsp%3D20%26hl%3Den%26sa%3DN
In Queensland, Chinese worked on a number of goldfields, but they were most dominant on the Palmer River goldfield which was discovered in 1873. Chinese miners began to arrive on the Palmer a few weeks after the discovery was announced, coming at first from mining fields in the southern colonies. By the end of 1874, about 1500 Chinese people, or 40% of the mining population, were distributed across the Palmer field.
In 1875, Chinese from Hong Kong began to arrive in Cooktown, the nearest port to the goldfield. The Hopkee Company organised up to two steamers a week to bring in an average of a thousand Chinese miners a month. Most were recruited from the lower Pearl River districts. Within months the Chinese population grew to between 9000 and 12 000, and by 1877 had reached 18 000 -- more than 90% of the goldfield's population. The Chinese organised most of the supplies, including food, for this community. Much of the folklore about aggression between Chinese and Aborigines has been greatly exaggerated -- death at the hands of Aborigines was statistically less likely than death by drowning, snakebite or falling from a horse.
By 1882 the Palmer's alluvial gold was worked out and only about 2000, mostly European miners, remained. The Chinese miners either returned to China, moved to new goldfields or took up other work elsewhere, such as gardening. Today, the Palmer River area still retains many Chinese mining sites, house sites, water races, gardens, cemeteries and other heritage sites(11).
...After 1878, many Chinese left Queensland's Palmer goldfield and moved to the nearby ports of Cooktown, Port Douglas, Cairns and Geraldton (later Innisfail), where they established tropical agricultural industries. Chinese farmers cleared Atherton Tableland rainforest to grow maize, and the Hop Wah Company founded the Cairns sugar industry in 1881. Others cleared scrub along the hot, wet, coastal plain to grow sugar cane, bananas, pineapples and mangoes throughout the 1880s. They established an industry that today supplies Australia's major cities with tropical fruit.
Social organisation and institutions
Chinese people organised their migration, local societies, businesses and their mining activities according to village and district ties, obligations of debt, and dialect affiliations(33). The Chinese immigrants in the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries were usually heavily indebted to family, community, brokers or merchants for their fares to Australia (this has been termed the 'credit-ticket system'). They were also obliged to help support their families in China(34). These factors combined to stimulate hard work, the cheapest living arrangements possible (usually organised communally) and a willingness to persist with any work at hand. They were also in regular contact with China and their home districts (qiaoxiangs).
Dialect and language played an important role in maintaining regional links among the Chinese in Australia. Most of the Chinese in Australia coming from the province of Guangdong spoke the Yue language (Cantonese), though some such as the Hakka, who were numerous in northern Australia, spoke a non-Yue language. In NSW there were many Chinese from the Long Dou area of Zhongshan district, who spoke their own dialect. Victoria was dominated by people from the Sze Yup districts(35) and they too spoke their distinctive dialects, especially those from Toishan (Taishan). In the nineteenth century, language and dialect affiliations were very important. The Chinese in Australia often formed themselves into different communities with their own spoken language and cultural practices and their own temple. In Cairns, for instance, the Chinese formed two main district and dialect groupings, each with their own temple(36). Rivalry within Chinese communities was often based upon district and dialect affiliations.
In Western Australia, there were no distinct dialect affiliations, as there were no dominant districts represented since the Chinese were mostly from Singapore or the eastern colonies of Australia.
During the latter part of the twentieth century, Chinese migrants came from a wider range of places inside China and from other South-East Asian countries. As a result, dialect as a broad-scale social influence is probably less important now than it was formerly.
Temples were often the focal point of Chinese community life and were established on the basis of district and dialect affiliations. Communities established or re-established temples in many cities, towns and goldfields at different periods right up to the present day. A number still survive including:
Sze Yup Temple, Glebe, Sydney, NSW
Yiu Ming Temple, Alexandria, Sydney, NSW
Chit-Kung-Tang Temple, Bendigo, Vic
Sze Yup Temple, South Melbourne, Vic
Sze Yup and Chung Wah Temples, Darwin, NT
the Temple of the Holy Triad, Breakfast Creek, Brisbane, Qld and
the Temple of Hou Wang in Atherton, Qld
Chinese churches are a feature of many communities due to the work of Christian missionaries. In some areas, such as Melbourne's Chinatown, the churches played an important role in teaching the Chinese language and in helping to maintain traditional ways. Conversely, the churches also ran English classes and helped to 'Europeanise' Chinese communities(37). Examples of places with known heritage significance include:
the Chinese Christian Churches in Milsons Point, Sydney, NSW and in Little Bourke Street, Melbourne, Vic and
the Chinese Sunday School in Fremantle, WA
During the nineteenth century, district societies (tongxianghui or 'same place' societies) provided social support for Chinese communities in Australia. Their work included establishing temples and returning old men to China who were unable to fund their own return. The societies also returned to China the bones of members who had died in Australia. Between 1875 and the late 1930s, societies organised the exhumation of more than 1500 bodies from Rookwood cemetery and sent the remains back to China.
Societies also helped Chinese communities to keep their focus on family obligations and links to China. Australia's oldest society, the Sze Yup Society, was established in Melbourne in 1854. The oldest society in NSW is the Quong Sing Tong, which was established in 1877. By the 1890s there were a further 10 Sydney-based societies with membership spread throughout the state. Three of these are still operating in Sydney, and others have been formed or reformed in recent decades(38).
Societies existed in most cities with a substantial Chinese population. The Kuomintang, for example, had branches operating in at least Sydney, Broome and Darwin. Some significant buildings associated with these societies survive today including:
the Chung Wah Association building in Northbridge, Perth, WA
the Australian Chinese Community Association building in Sydney, NSW
the Nan Poon Soon Chinese Society Clubhouse in Melbourne, Vic as well as
temples sponsored by specific societies
The Chinese Nationalist Revolution in 1911 galvanised many Australian Chinese into political activity, prompting the formation of political organisations and newspapers, particularly in the Chinese communities of Sydney and Melbourne. After the 1930s Chinese national affiliation, as opposed to district affiliation, began to dominate local Chinese community views. Little has been done to identify and record the places associated with these developments.
In Queensland, Chinese worked on a number of goldfields, but they were most dominant on the Palmer River goldfield which was discovered in 1873. Chinese miners began to arrive on the Palmer a few weeks after the discovery was announced, coming at first from mining fields in the southern colonies. By the end of 1874, about 1500 Chinese people, or 40% of the mining population, were distributed across the Palmer field.
In 1875, Chinese from Hong Kong began to arrive in Cooktown, the nearest port to the goldfield. The Hopkee Company organised up to two steamers a week to bring in an average of a thousand Chinese miners a month. Most were recruited from the lower Pearl River districts. Within months the Chinese population grew to between 9000 and 12 000, and by 1877 had reached 18 000 -- more than 90% of the goldfield's population. The Chinese organised most of the supplies, including food, for this community. Much of the folklore about aggression between Chinese and Aborigines has been greatly exaggerated -- death at the hands of Aborigines was statistically less likely than death by drowning, snakebite or falling from a horse.
By 1882 the Palmer's alluvial gold was worked out and only about 2000, mostly European miners, remained. The Chinese miners either returned to China, moved to new goldfields or took up other work elsewhere, such as gardening. Today, the Palmer River area still retains many Chinese mining sites, house sites, water races, gardens, cemeteries and other heritage sites(11).
...After 1878, many Chinese left Queensland's Palmer goldfield and moved to the nearby ports of Cooktown, Port Douglas, Cairns and Geraldton (later Innisfail), where they established tropical agricultural industries. Chinese farmers cleared Atherton Tableland rainforest to grow maize, and the Hop Wah Company founded the Cairns sugar industry in 1881. Others cleared scrub along the hot, wet, coastal plain to grow sugar cane, bananas, pineapples and mangoes throughout the 1880s. They established an industry that today supplies Australia's major cities with tropical fruit.
Social organisation and institutions
Chinese people organised their migration, local societies, businesses and their mining activities according to village and district ties, obligations of debt, and dialect affiliations(33). The Chinese immigrants in the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries were usually heavily indebted to family, community, brokers or merchants for their fares to Australia (this has been termed the 'credit-ticket system'). They were also obliged to help support their families in China(34). These factors combined to stimulate hard work, the cheapest living arrangements possible (usually organised communally) and a willingness to persist with any work at hand. They were also in regular contact with China and their home districts (qiaoxiangs).
Dialect and language played an important role in maintaining regional links among the Chinese in Australia. Most of the Chinese in Australia coming from the province of Guangdong spoke the Yue language (Cantonese), though some such as the Hakka, who were numerous in northern Australia, spoke a non-Yue language. In NSW there were many Chinese from the Long Dou area of Zhongshan district, who spoke their own dialect. Victoria was dominated by people from the Sze Yup districts(35) and they too spoke their distinctive dialects, especially those from Toishan (Taishan). In the nineteenth century, language and dialect affiliations were very important. The Chinese in Australia often formed themselves into different communities with their own spoken language and cultural practices and their own temple. In Cairns, for instance, the Chinese formed two main district and dialect groupings, each with their own temple(36). Rivalry within Chinese communities was often based upon district and dialect affiliations.
In Western Australia, there were no distinct dialect affiliations, as there were no dominant districts represented since the Chinese were mostly from Singapore or the eastern colonies of Australia.
During the latter part of the twentieth century, Chinese migrants came from a wider range of places inside China and from other South-East Asian countries. As a result, dialect as a broad-scale social influence is probably less important now than it was formerly.
Temples were often the focal point of Chinese community life and were established on the basis of district and dialect affiliations. Communities established or re-established temples in many cities, towns and goldfields at different periods right up to the present day. A number still survive including:
Sze Yup Temple, Glebe, Sydney, NSW
Yiu Ming Temple, Alexandria, Sydney, NSW
Chit-Kung-Tang Temple, Bendigo, Vic
Sze Yup Temple, South Melbourne, Vic
Sze Yup and Chung Wah Temples, Darwin, NT
the Temple of the Holy Triad, Breakfast Creek, Brisbane, Qld and
the Temple of Hou Wang in Atherton, Qld
Chinese churches are a feature of many communities due to the work of Christian missionaries. In some areas, such as Melbourne's Chinatown, the churches played an important role in teaching the Chinese language and in helping to maintain traditional ways. Conversely, the churches also ran English classes and helped to 'Europeanise' Chinese communities(37). Examples of places with known heritage significance include:
the Chinese Christian Churches in Milsons Point, Sydney, NSW and in Little Bourke Street, Melbourne, Vic and
the Chinese Sunday School in Fremantle, WA
During the nineteenth century, district societies (tongxianghui or 'same place' societies) provided social support for Chinese communities in Australia. Their work included establishing temples and returning old men to China who were unable to fund their own return. The societies also returned to China the bones of members who had died in Australia. Between 1875 and the late 1930s, societies organised the exhumation of more than 1500 bodies from Rookwood cemetery and sent the remains back to China.
Societies also helped Chinese communities to keep their focus on family obligations and links to China. Australia's oldest society, the Sze Yup Society, was established in Melbourne in 1854. The oldest society in NSW is the Quong Sing Tong, which was established in 1877. By the 1890s there were a further 10 Sydney-based societies with membership spread throughout the state. Three of these are still operating in Sydney, and others have been formed or reformed in recent decades(38).
Societies existed in most cities with a substantial Chinese population. The Kuomintang, for example, had branches operating in at least Sydney, Broome and Darwin. Some significant buildings associated with these societies survive today including:
the Chung Wah Association building in Northbridge, Perth, WA
the Australian Chinese Community Association building in Sydney, NSW
the Nan Poon Soon Chinese Society Clubhouse in Melbourne, Vic as well as
temples sponsored by specific societies
The Chinese Nationalist Revolution in 1911 galvanised many Australian Chinese into political activity, prompting the formation of political organisations and newspapers, particularly in the Chinese communities of Sydney and Melbourne. After the 1930s Chinese national affiliation, as opposed to district affiliation, began to dominate local Chinese community views. Little has been done to identify and record the places associated with these developments.
Early colonial restrictions to Chinese entry
In June 1855, the Legislative Council of Victoria imposed an entry tax on all Chinese coming to Victoria. The master of a ship was required to pay a poll-tax of £10 for every Chinese immigrant on his ship. In addition each ship was limited to carrying one Chinese immigrant for each ten tons (about 4.5 tonnes) of their registered tonnage. The legislation also established an apartheid-like protectorate system. All Chinese would have to register, live within designated areas on the goldfields and pay an annual residence tax of £1. The protectorates were never fully implemented. Where they were introduced, they appear to have benefited the Chinese in one unplanned way at least. They reduced violence against them in those areas.
The entry tax succeeded in slowing the arrival of Chinese immigrants into Victoria by sea. However, the masters of ships discovered that the way around the Act was to land the Chinese at Port Adelaide and Robe in South Australia. From there they made their way overland to the Victorian goldfields traveling in stages of about 32 kilometres a day. The journey to the Bendigo goldfields from Adelaide (800 kilometres) would have taken approximately 25 days, from Robe (416 kilometres) approximately 13 days. Some in Adelaide thought that this would lead to trouble. They thought that joss houses would be built near Christian churches, which would be filled by crowds of worshippers, bowing before idols of wood and stone. Such behaviour, they argued, would be repulsive to Christians and would affect children’s minds.
By the second half of 1855 travelers on the overland route from Adelaide via Encounter Bay to the goldfields of Ballarat, Bendigo or the Ovens Valley saw processions of six hundred to seven hundred men moving ‘at the Chinaman's trot’. They usually walked in single file, each one carrying a pole and two baskets over his shoulders, talking to his mate in front in a sing-song tone. On their heads they had circular hats, like the top of a haystack, nearly a yard in diameter. The Europeans noticed that the young Chinese always respected their parents and older people. For example, the young did not sit down until the older men said they could.
In 1857 nearly eleven thousand Chinese walked from Robe to the Victorian goldfields. Between 1856 and 1858, 16,500 Chinese landed at Robe. By 1857 there were 23,623 Chinese on the goldfields of Victoria, and a total of 25,424 in the colony at large. The Aborigines of the south east now had to cope with another invader of their land.
Although in 1857 the South Australian government passed similar entry restrictions to the Victorian legislation, the Chinese were still able to come in through New South Wales. During 1859 the number of Chinese in Victoria passed 40,000 and made up nearly 20 per cent of the adult males in the colony.
Alarmed by the flood of Chinese, on 4 June 1857 John Pascoe Fawkner asked the Legislative Council of Victoria to appoint a select committee to prepare a bill to control the number of Chinese settling in the colony. Fawkner argued that he wanted to prevent the goldfields of Australia from becoming the property of the Emperor of China and of the Mongolian hordes of Asia. Fawkner had been told the Chinese had been teaching the youth of Victoria to smoke opium, and had been chasing girls as young as ten years of age on the goldfields. Other moralisers fanned the flames of prejudice. Rumours flew around Melbourne that simple-minded men were shivering and quaking at the prospect of being outnumbered in the not too distant future by hordes of yellow men!
There had been moderate voices too. Caroline Chisholm, who in the decade before the discovery of gold had been described as a 'second Moses in bonnet and shawl', reminded her contemporaries that there would be no rest until man was recognised as man, without distinction of 'colour or clime'. If Europeans went on humiliating and insulting the Chinese, she argued, one day there would be a 'sweeping calamity'.
The Chinese also contributed to this plea to be calm and reasonable. In a petition to the 'Honourable the Speaker and Members of the Legislative Assembly sitting on Chinese business' in 1857, they told how glad they had been to come to the goldfields. They had heard the English were good and kind to everybody. Now they had heard the Assembly was going to put a tax of £1 a month on them, and they were so sorry they did not know what to do. Digging was very difficult, and it was hard to earn a living. If they paid £1 a month, they argued, they could not get enough gold to buy food to eat. They asked the members not to proceed with their proposal.
Nothing could calm the madness in the diggers. At the Buckland River in North East Victoria early in July 1857 riots followed a rumour about the unnatural behaviour of a Chinese man. The rumour was seen as final proof that the Chinese were monsters in human shape, who practised abominations and made lewd gestures towards women and children.
On 4 July 1857, a meeting was summoned at the Buckland where the leaders of the meeting called on their fellow diggers to take the law into their own hands and drive the Chinese out of the Australian bush. Men on horseback armed with bludgeons and whips tore at the Chinese. Some 500 tents and stores were destroyed. The Chinese population, estimated at 2400, were all driven off the Buckland. If it were not for armed English miners who protected the Chinese from the mob as they rushed a single log that bridged the river, many might have died.
Twelve men were arrested. Four received sentences of 9 months gaol, one for rioting, the others for unlawful assembly. No charges of theft were proven.
The evidence of the European wife of Ah Leen, who had been badly beaten by the mob, was not believed on the grounds that any white woman who would marry a Chinese showed a character of poor morals and people would not place any confidence in her.
The anti-Chinese sentiment continued. In Beechworth the white diggers formed an Anti-Chinese League in 1857. Their aim was to get the Chinese expelled from the colony. The League disowned the rowdy, ruffians who had used brute physical force on the Buckland. Their first objective was to stop the influx of the Chinese into the colony. Petition after petition was submitted to the Legislative Assembly but without success.
Scaremongers also spread stories that the time was not far distant when the Chinese would outnumber the British and the Germans in South Australia. Some also argued that South Australia had a moral obligation to the well-being of the inhabitants of Victoria. The legislators finally acted. They argued that it was absolutely necessary to restrict Chinese entry into the country by legal means. Otherwise brutal warfare might rage and society would be shaken to its foundations. To preserve the European predominance over their territory, the South Australian government passed through Parliament an act, modeled on the Victorian act. Within months the streets of Robe which had streamed with Chinese were almost deserted.
Adapted from Chinese and the Law by Brian Barrow Deputy Chief Magistrate, 2001. Published by The Golden Dragon Museum, Bridge Street, Bendigo.
The entry tax succeeded in slowing the arrival of Chinese immigrants into Victoria by sea. However, the masters of ships discovered that the way around the Act was to land the Chinese at Port Adelaide and Robe in South Australia. From there they made their way overland to the Victorian goldfields traveling in stages of about 32 kilometres a day. The journey to the Bendigo goldfields from Adelaide (800 kilometres) would have taken approximately 25 days, from Robe (416 kilometres) approximately 13 days. Some in Adelaide thought that this would lead to trouble. They thought that joss houses would be built near Christian churches, which would be filled by crowds of worshippers, bowing before idols of wood and stone. Such behaviour, they argued, would be repulsive to Christians and would affect children’s minds.
By the second half of 1855 travelers on the overland route from Adelaide via Encounter Bay to the goldfields of Ballarat, Bendigo or the Ovens Valley saw processions of six hundred to seven hundred men moving ‘at the Chinaman's trot’. They usually walked in single file, each one carrying a pole and two baskets over his shoulders, talking to his mate in front in a sing-song tone. On their heads they had circular hats, like the top of a haystack, nearly a yard in diameter. The Europeans noticed that the young Chinese always respected their parents and older people. For example, the young did not sit down until the older men said they could.
In 1857 nearly eleven thousand Chinese walked from Robe to the Victorian goldfields. Between 1856 and 1858, 16,500 Chinese landed at Robe. By 1857 there were 23,623 Chinese on the goldfields of Victoria, and a total of 25,424 in the colony at large. The Aborigines of the south east now had to cope with another invader of their land.
Although in 1857 the South Australian government passed similar entry restrictions to the Victorian legislation, the Chinese were still able to come in through New South Wales. During 1859 the number of Chinese in Victoria passed 40,000 and made up nearly 20 per cent of the adult males in the colony.
Alarmed by the flood of Chinese, on 4 June 1857 John Pascoe Fawkner asked the Legislative Council of Victoria to appoint a select committee to prepare a bill to control the number of Chinese settling in the colony. Fawkner argued that he wanted to prevent the goldfields of Australia from becoming the property of the Emperor of China and of the Mongolian hordes of Asia. Fawkner had been told the Chinese had been teaching the youth of Victoria to smoke opium, and had been chasing girls as young as ten years of age on the goldfields. Other moralisers fanned the flames of prejudice. Rumours flew around Melbourne that simple-minded men were shivering and quaking at the prospect of being outnumbered in the not too distant future by hordes of yellow men!
There had been moderate voices too. Caroline Chisholm, who in the decade before the discovery of gold had been described as a 'second Moses in bonnet and shawl', reminded her contemporaries that there would be no rest until man was recognised as man, without distinction of 'colour or clime'. If Europeans went on humiliating and insulting the Chinese, she argued, one day there would be a 'sweeping calamity'.
The Chinese also contributed to this plea to be calm and reasonable. In a petition to the 'Honourable the Speaker and Members of the Legislative Assembly sitting on Chinese business' in 1857, they told how glad they had been to come to the goldfields. They had heard the English were good and kind to everybody. Now they had heard the Assembly was going to put a tax of £1 a month on them, and they were so sorry they did not know what to do. Digging was very difficult, and it was hard to earn a living. If they paid £1 a month, they argued, they could not get enough gold to buy food to eat. They asked the members not to proceed with their proposal.
Nothing could calm the madness in the diggers. At the Buckland River in North East Victoria early in July 1857 riots followed a rumour about the unnatural behaviour of a Chinese man. The rumour was seen as final proof that the Chinese were monsters in human shape, who practised abominations and made lewd gestures towards women and children.
On 4 July 1857, a meeting was summoned at the Buckland where the leaders of the meeting called on their fellow diggers to take the law into their own hands and drive the Chinese out of the Australian bush. Men on horseback armed with bludgeons and whips tore at the Chinese. Some 500 tents and stores were destroyed. The Chinese population, estimated at 2400, were all driven off the Buckland. If it were not for armed English miners who protected the Chinese from the mob as they rushed a single log that bridged the river, many might have died.
Twelve men were arrested. Four received sentences of 9 months gaol, one for rioting, the others for unlawful assembly. No charges of theft were proven.
The evidence of the European wife of Ah Leen, who had been badly beaten by the mob, was not believed on the grounds that any white woman who would marry a Chinese showed a character of poor morals and people would not place any confidence in her.
The anti-Chinese sentiment continued. In Beechworth the white diggers formed an Anti-Chinese League in 1857. Their aim was to get the Chinese expelled from the colony. The League disowned the rowdy, ruffians who had used brute physical force on the Buckland. Their first objective was to stop the influx of the Chinese into the colony. Petition after petition was submitted to the Legislative Assembly but without success.
Scaremongers also spread stories that the time was not far distant when the Chinese would outnumber the British and the Germans in South Australia. Some also argued that South Australia had a moral obligation to the well-being of the inhabitants of Victoria. The legislators finally acted. They argued that it was absolutely necessary to restrict Chinese entry into the country by legal means. Otherwise brutal warfare might rage and society would be shaken to its foundations. To preserve the European predominance over their territory, the South Australian government passed through Parliament an act, modeled on the Victorian act. Within months the streets of Robe which had streamed with Chinese were almost deserted.
Adapted from Chinese and the Law by Brian Barrow Deputy Chief Magistrate, 2001. Published by The Golden Dragon Museum, Bridge Street, Bendigo.
Tuesday, February 12, 2008
Billy Kee Chicken
Indian Cooking Recipe : Billy Kee Chicken
Ingredients :
1.5kg chicken
3 egg yolks, lightly beaten
oil fro deep-frying
½ cup dry red wine
½ cup tomato sauce
1 tsp Worcestershire sauce
Method :
Cut chicken into serving seized pieces; remove skin, cut chicken from bones.
Chop chicken, combine with egg yolks; mix well.
Deep-fry chicken in batches in hot oil until lightly browned and just cooked through, remove from work; drain on absorbent paper.
Drain oil from work. Add combined wine, and sauces to work, stir over heat until sauce boils.
Stir in chicken pieces, simmer until heated through.
Fortune Village Chinese Restaurant: citysearchShan Tung Chicken Billy Kee Chicken. Eggplant in Black Bean Sauce ***Banquet Menu (for six people or more)*** ***Take Away Rice or Noodle Boxes*** ...
www.fortunevillage.com.au/6.html - 22k - Cached - Similar pages
Fortune Village Chinese Restaurant: citysearchChicken and Sweet Corn Soup Main Courses King Prawns with Vegetables Lightly Battered Fish Pieces in Ginger Shallot Sauce Billy Kee Chicken ...
www.fortunevillage.com.au/5.html - 26k - Cached - Similar pages
Sky King Sydney Restaurant Review and InformationThe only good thing from this place is their Billy Kee Chicken! Was this review helpful? oz_uni - See my reviews 36 reviews , 20 June 2005 ...
www.eatability.com.au/au/sydney/sky_king.htm - 109k - Cached - Similar pages
List ReviewsThe only good thing from this place is their Billy Kee Chicken! 20 June 2005. Five Dock Addison Chinese Restaurant, Five Dock, NSW Five Dock Addison Chinese ...
www.eatability.com.au/members/oz_uni/review/p3.htm - 88k - Cached - Similar pages
More results from www.eatability.com.au »
Ocean King House Restaurant: citysearchPeking Duck (2 Courses) $48.80 Lemon Chicken $13.80 Crispy Skin Chicken $12.80 Billy Kee Chicken $14.80 Chicken with Cashews $14.80 Shantung Chicken $13.80 ...
www.oceankinghouse.com.au/4.html - 22k - Cached - Similar pages
windsor chinese restaurant - Sydney Restaurants - Sydney ...We're not sure who Billy Kee is but he's lent his name to a top little chicken dish of breast floured and fried and served in special sauce $13.50. ...
www.sydneyeats.net.au/far_-_frontitia3?cid=12219&pid=1860236 - 32k - Cached - Similar pages
The Auswine Forum :: View topic - Christchurch Offlines Plural ...Entirely the wrong food match, but after a quick dash nextdoor for tomato sauce to thicken the Billy Kee Chicken and a mouthful of the bloody spicy Sze ...
forum.auswine.com.au/viewtopic.php?t=6989&highlight=&sid=ca5f199108ef957e1d5d2a620652fa2f - 40k - Cached - Similar pages
Menus for Ocean King House Restaurant - MenulogChicken & Sweet Corn Soup, 4.00. Crab & Sweet Corn Soup, 5.50 ... Billy Kee Chicken, 14.80 ... Fried Rice : with Chicken and Salted Fish, 12.80 ...
www.menulog.com.au/ocean_king_house_restaurant/menus - 47k - Cached - Similar pages
Menus for Fortune Village Chinese - MenulogCurried Chicken Fried Rice & Steamed Rice. Fried Ice Cream ... Chicken and Sweet Corn Soup. Main Courses ... Billy Kee Chicken. Honey Pepper Beef ...
www.menulog.com.au/fortune_village_chinese/menus - 42k - Cached - Similar pages
[PDF] BM –File Format: PDF/Adobe Acrobat - View as HTML
Billy Kee Chicken. Mongolian Lamb. Honey Pepper Beef. Chilli Pork with vegetables. Boiled and Fried Rice. Dessert extra $2 per person ...
www.bowlersclub.com.au/downloads/Banquets%20&%20Buffet%20Menus.pdf - Similar pages
Ingredients :
1.5kg chicken
3 egg yolks, lightly beaten
oil fro deep-frying
½ cup dry red wine
½ cup tomato sauce
1 tsp Worcestershire sauce
Method :
Cut chicken into serving seized pieces; remove skin, cut chicken from bones.
Chop chicken, combine with egg yolks; mix well.
Deep-fry chicken in batches in hot oil until lightly browned and just cooked through, remove from work; drain on absorbent paper.
Drain oil from work. Add combined wine, and sauces to work, stir over heat until sauce boils.
Stir in chicken pieces, simmer until heated through.
Fortune Village Chinese Restaurant: citysearchShan Tung Chicken Billy Kee Chicken. Eggplant in Black Bean Sauce ***Banquet Menu (for six people or more)*** ***Take Away Rice or Noodle Boxes*** ...
www.fortunevillage.com.au/6.html - 22k - Cached - Similar pages
Fortune Village Chinese Restaurant: citysearchChicken and Sweet Corn Soup Main Courses King Prawns with Vegetables Lightly Battered Fish Pieces in Ginger Shallot Sauce Billy Kee Chicken ...
www.fortunevillage.com.au/5.html - 26k - Cached - Similar pages
Sky King Sydney Restaurant Review and InformationThe only good thing from this place is their Billy Kee Chicken! Was this review helpful? oz_uni - See my reviews 36 reviews , 20 June 2005 ...
www.eatability.com.au/au/sydney/sky_king.htm - 109k - Cached - Similar pages
List ReviewsThe only good thing from this place is their Billy Kee Chicken! 20 June 2005. Five Dock Addison Chinese Restaurant, Five Dock, NSW Five Dock Addison Chinese ...
www.eatability.com.au/members/oz_uni/review/p3.htm - 88k - Cached - Similar pages
More results from www.eatability.com.au »
Ocean King House Restaurant: citysearchPeking Duck (2 Courses) $48.80 Lemon Chicken $13.80 Crispy Skin Chicken $12.80 Billy Kee Chicken $14.80 Chicken with Cashews $14.80 Shantung Chicken $13.80 ...
www.oceankinghouse.com.au/4.html - 22k - Cached - Similar pages
windsor chinese restaurant - Sydney Restaurants - Sydney ...We're not sure who Billy Kee is but he's lent his name to a top little chicken dish of breast floured and fried and served in special sauce $13.50. ...
www.sydneyeats.net.au/far_-_frontitia3?cid=12219&pid=1860236 - 32k - Cached - Similar pages
The Auswine Forum :: View topic - Christchurch Offlines Plural ...Entirely the wrong food match, but after a quick dash nextdoor for tomato sauce to thicken the Billy Kee Chicken and a mouthful of the bloody spicy Sze ...
forum.auswine.com.au/viewtopic.php?t=6989&highlight=&sid=ca5f199108ef957e1d5d2a620652fa2f - 40k - Cached - Similar pages
Menus for Ocean King House Restaurant - MenulogChicken & Sweet Corn Soup, 4.00. Crab & Sweet Corn Soup, 5.50 ... Billy Kee Chicken, 14.80 ... Fried Rice : with Chicken and Salted Fish, 12.80 ...
www.menulog.com.au/ocean_king_house_restaurant/menus - 47k - Cached - Similar pages
Menus for Fortune Village Chinese - MenulogCurried Chicken Fried Rice & Steamed Rice. Fried Ice Cream ... Chicken and Sweet Corn Soup. Main Courses ... Billy Kee Chicken. Honey Pepper Beef ...
www.menulog.com.au/fortune_village_chinese/menus - 42k - Cached - Similar pages
[PDF] BM –File Format: PDF/Adobe Acrobat - View as HTML
Billy Kee Chicken. Mongolian Lamb. Honey Pepper Beef. Chilli Pork with vegetables. Boiled and Fried Rice. Dessert extra $2 per person ...
www.bowlersclub.com.au/downloads/Banquets%20&%20Buffet%20Menus.pdf - Similar pages
Thursday, December 13, 2007
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